Which of the following describes a major similarity between the great railroad strike of 1877 and the Homestead strike of 1892?

From Ohio History Central

Which of the following describes a major similarity between the great railroad strike of 1877 and the Homestead strike of 1892?

Photograph of a portrait of Thomas L. Young (1832-1888). He served as governor of Ohio from 1877-1878. In July 1877, a national railroad strike spread to the state of Ohio. Young addressed the strike in Ohio by using the state militia. Young restored order in Ohio, but he was unable to address many of the issues that had caused the strike. After leaving the governorship, Young was elected to the United States House of Representatives for two terms and served from 1879 to 1883.

The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 began on July 17, 1877, in Martinsburg, West Virginia. Workers for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad went on strike, because the company had reduced workers' wages twice over the previous year. The strikers refused to let the trains run until the most recent pay cut was returned to the employees.

West Virginia's governor quickly called out the state's militia. Militia members, for the most part, sympathized with the workers and refused to intervene, prompting the governor to request federal government assistance. President Rutherford B. Hayes sent federal troops to several locations to reopen the railroads. In the meantime, the strike had spread to several other states, including Maryland, where violence erupted in Baltimore between the strikers and that state's militia. In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and St. Louis, Missouri, strikers temporarily gained control of the cities until federal soldiers reestablished order. In Chicago, Illinois, more than twenty-thousand people rallied in support of the strikers.

The strike also affected Ohioans. Governor Thomas Young encouraged Ohioans to form private police forces to defend businesses from strikers. He also dispatched the Ohio militia to several locations to maintain law and order. Cleveland residents opposed to the strike responded to the governor's call and formed their own police force to protect Baltimore & Ohio Railroad property. In Columbus, mobs attacked and destroyed much railroad property. Protests in Zanesville, Lancaster, and Steubenville also briefly shut down rail service. The worst agitation occurred in Newark, a major depot for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. On July 18, 1877, strikers blockaded the railroad, refusing to let any trains to pass. Governor Young quickly dispatched militia forces to the city, hoping to avoid violence.

By the end of August 1877, the strike had ended primarily due to federal government intervention, the use of state militias, and the employment of strikebreakers by the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company. The Great Railroad Strike was typical of most strikes during this era. The availability of laborers and government support for businesses limited workers' ability to gain concessions from their employers.

See Also

References

  1. Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Foster Rhea Dulles. Labor in America: A History. N.p.: Harlan Davidson, 2004.
  2. Montgomery, David. Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865-1925. 1989. N.p.: Cambridge University Press.
  3. Murdock, Eugene. Buckeye Empire: An Illustrated History of Ohio Enterprise. N.p.: Windsol, 1988.
  4. Stowell, David O. Streets, Railroads, and the Great Strike of 1877. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999.

Categories:

  • History Events
  • Industrialization and Urbanization
  • Business and Industry
  • Government and Politics
  • Reform
  • Transportation

Abstract

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was a cataclysmic event for the nation. During its violent course, the print media provided an interpretive frame that portrayed the strike in large measure as an immigrant-inspired attack on American laws and democratic customs. Often characterizing the strikers as "foreigners" in the thrall of anarchist ideologies and a tyrannous labor chieftain, journalists painted a stark picture indeed. Employing framing theory, Gramsci's notion of hegemony, and recent insights on the ethnic quality of nationalism, this essay argues that newspapers and other major print periodicals significandy contributed to the formation of nationalist attitudes at a time when many Americans were deeply worried over the direction in which the country was headed.

Journal Information

The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era is a peer-reviewed journal published quarterly by the Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era (SHGAPE) with support from the Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Center. The Journal publishes original essays and reviews scholarly books on all aspects of U.S. history for the time period of 1865 through the 1920s. The Journal encourages submissions in every field of inquiry, including politics and government, social and cultural history, business, economic, and labor history, international relations, comparative and transnational history, issues of race, ethnicity, class, and gender, legal, intellectual, and religious history, science and medicine, technology, the arts, and material culture, rural and urban history, and regional history. Public historians and independent scholars as well as academic historians are invited to submit, as are social scientists working on historical issues and scholars in American Studies.

Publisher Information

Founded in 1987, the Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era exists to foster and advance the study and understanding of the history of the United States during the period 1865 to 1917. Membership is open to anyone interested in this topic, with reduced rates for student members. In addition to publishing the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, the Society sponsors scholarly sessions and events at annual meetings of the Organization of American Historians and the American Historical Association, provides conference travel support, hosts a website that includes original field-related content, co-sponsors the listserv H-SHGAPE, and awards prizes for books, articles, and unpublished graduate student research in the field. Its luncheon during the Organization of American Historians meeting features a distinguished historian address and a presidential address in alternating years. A 501(c)(3) corporation, the Society may be reached through contacting the President or Executive Secretary as listed on the SHGAPE website.

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