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Global HealthIn important respects, China is leading on global health governance at a critical time. Dangerous pathogens like the novel coronavirus are emerging globally and noncommunicable diseases are becoming more prevalent. Many poorer states do not have the funds to address serious health challenges. China is increasingly stepping in to fill that void. It cooperates with the World Health Organization (WHO) and other groups and in the past decade has increased health-related aid to developing states. China is leading the global effort to eradicate malaria in eastern Africa. During the Ebola epidemic in western Africa in 2014, China launched its largest response ever to an international humanitarian crisis, contributing $123 million. Yet China also is pushing health governance in different, revisionist directions—directions that could undermine global public health cooperation. Beijing often acts unilaterally and hands out aid opaquely, a different approach from that of traditional donors like the United States. Instead of announcing aid initiatives and then publishing formal requests for proposals, China asks potential recipients to approach it for support, often without soliciting formal proposals. China’s approach also emphasizes infrastructure, such as hospitals, yet does little to promote transparency in recipient countries. Beijing’s reactions to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak reflect this approach to global health governance. It acted opaquely at first, covering up the scale of the crisis, then used strict quarantine measures to control the domestic outbreak. It has promoted its model for battling COVID-19 and offered assistance to countries including Iran, Italy, and Spain. With the United States struggling with its outbreak, China’s approach—and aid—has won it plaudits from the WHO and some other states. But many countries are still furious at China for its lack of transparency during the beginning of the outbreak and the quality flaws in some of its aid provided. Moreover, it remains unclear whether China’s assistance and promotion of its COVID-19 model will address other states’ concerns about how Beijing initially addressed the virus. Internet GovernanceChina seeks to become a leader in global internet governance and to promote the idea of “cyber sovereignty”—that a state should exert control over the internet within its borders. In October 2017, Xi Jinping unveiled his plans to make China a “cyber superpower.” The country already boasts the most internet users in the world. Chinese companies are also leading the race in patents and standards for the fifth generation of wireless communication standards (5G). Globally, Beijing promotes its domestic cyber sovereignty approach to internet governance, which hinges on Communist Party control and censorship. Xi’s administration uses increasingly advanced technology to dominate the domestic internet and social media, blocking global search engines and social media sites and promoting domestic versions. China’s domestic internet offers an alternative to existing, freer models of internet governance, and Beijing also uses its influence at the United Nations and other forums to push countries to adopt more closed internets. Meanwhile, Chinese corporations such as Huawei and CloudWalk have supplied repressive governments in Venezuela and Zimbabwe with surveillance tools like facial recognition technology. And the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) contains a “Digital Silk Road” initiative that includes inviting foreign officials to participate in workshops on information technology policy, including controlling the internet. Climate ChangeIn the past decade, China has shifted from resisting international cooperation on climate change to supporting such cooperation. For years, Beijing had been skeptical of multilateral approaches to climate change, worrying they could slow China’s growth. China allied with Brazil and India in blocking a potential multilateral agreement to address climate change in 2009. China’s breakneck economic growth and heavy reliance on coal have helped make it the world’s largest emitter of carbon dioxide. Yet at home, Beijing has begun to adopt measures to combat emissions, in part to address its own significant air pollution. China has reduced the role of fossil fuels in its energy mix and become the world’s biggest investor in renewable energy. China’s activism at home has been matched by new activism on the global stage, where it has worked with existing international institutions and has been a leader on climate change. In 2015, the United States partnered with China to call for a strong, legally binding treaty that ultimately became the Paris Agreement. Now Beijing is trying to save the agreement as others, including the United States, retreat. Still, international observers have criticized China for continuing to export coal-fired power plants through the BRI, even as it has reduced their usage at home. Development FinanceChina has pursued both unilateral and multilateral approaches to development finance. The world faces a sizable gap in financing for infrastructure. In response, China has established two new institutions. In one case, Beijing operates according to its own standards; in the other, it has adopted international aid standards. China launched the BRI in 2013. The initiative—a vision to deepen physical infrastructure, financial, political, and security ties spanning Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East—has placed Beijing in a position to shape global norms and rules on aid, infrastructure, and logistics. Under the initiative, China has announced over $460 billion in lending to BRI projects. But BRI lending practices do not align with those of other international banks and donor countries. Some foreign leaders and civil society groups have criticized BRI practices for lacking transparency, failing to uphold environmental and safety standards, and leading recipient states to incur high levels of debt. But besides the BRI, China in 2015 also launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). AIIB is a multilateral financial institution that invests in infrastructure projects and other productive sectors across Eurasia. Unlike the BRI, the AIIB generally follows international lending standards and often cooperates with the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to fund projects. Global HealthIn important respects, China is leading on global health governance at a critical time. Dangerous pathogens like the novel coronavirus are emerging globally and noncommunicable diseases are becoming more prevalent. Many poorer states do not have the funds to address serious health challenges. China is increasingly stepping in to fill that void. It cooperates with the World Health Organization (WHO) and other groups and in the past decade has increased health-related aid to developing states. China is leading the global effort to eradicate malaria in eastern Africa. During the Ebola epidemic in western Africa in 2014, China launched its largest response ever to an international humanitarian crisis, contributing $123 million. Yet China also is pushing health governance in different, revisionist directions—directions that could undermine global public health cooperation. Beijing often acts unilaterally and hands out aid opaquely, a different approach from that of traditional donors like the United States. Instead of announcing aid initiatives and then publishing formal requests for proposals, China asks potential recipients to approach it for support, often without soliciting formal proposals. China’s approach also emphasizes infrastructure, such as hospitals, yet does little to promote transparency in recipient countries. Beijing’s reactions to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak reflect this approach to global health governance. It acted opaquely at first, covering up the scale of the crisis, then used strict quarantine measures to control the domestic outbreak. It has promoted its model for battling COVID-19 and offered assistance to countries including Iran, Italy, and Spain. With the United States struggling with its outbreak, China’s approach—and aid—has won it plaudits from the WHO and some other states. But many countries are still furious at China for its lack of transparency during the beginning of the outbreak and the quality flaws in some of its aid provided. Moreover, it remains unclear whether China’s assistance and promotion of its COVID-19 model will address other states’ concerns about how Beijing initially addressed the virus. Internet GovernanceChina seeks to become a leader in global internet governance and to promote the idea of “cyber sovereignty”—that a state should exert control over the internet within its borders. In October 2017, Xi Jinping unveiled his plans to make China a “cyber superpower.” The country already boasts the most internet users in the world. Chinese companies are also leading the race in patents and standards for the fifth generation of wireless communication standards (5G). Globally, Beijing promotes its domestic cyber sovereignty approach to internet governance, which hinges on Communist Party control and censorship. Xi’s administration uses increasingly advanced technology to dominate the domestic internet and social media, blocking global search engines and social media sites and promoting domestic versions. China’s domestic internet offers an alternative to existing, freer models of internet governance, and Beijing also uses its influence at the United Nations and other forums to push countries to adopt more closed internets. Meanwhile, Chinese corporations such as Huawei and CloudWalk have supplied repressive governments in Venezuela and Zimbabwe with surveillance tools like facial recognition technology. And the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) contains a “Digital Silk Road” initiative that includes inviting foreign officials to participate in workshops on information technology policy, including controlling the internet. Climate ChangeIn the past decade, China has shifted from resisting international cooperation on climate change to supporting such cooperation. For years, Beijing had been skeptical of multilateral approaches to climate change, worrying they could slow China’s growth. China allied with Brazil and India in blocking a potential multilateral agreement to address climate change in 2009. China’s breakneck economic growth and heavy reliance on coal have helped make it the world’s largest emitter of carbon dioxide. Yet at home, Beijing has begun to adopt measures to combat emissions, in part to address its own significant air pollution. China has reduced the role of fossil fuels in its energy mix and become the world’s biggest investor in renewable energy. China’s activism at home has been matched by new activism on the global stage, where it has worked with existing international institutions and has been a leader on climate change. In 2015, the United States partnered with China to call for a strong, legally binding treaty that ultimately became the Paris Agreement. Now Beijing is trying to save the agreement as others, including the United States, retreat. Still, international observers have criticized China for continuing to export coal-fired power plants through the BRI, even as it has reduced their usage at home. Development FinanceChina has pursued both unilateral and multilateral approaches to development finance. The world faces a sizable gap in financing for infrastructure. In response, China has established two new institutions. In one case, Beijing operates according to its own standards; in the other, it has adopted international aid standards. China launched the BRI in 2013. The initiative—a vision to deepen physical infrastructure, financial, political, and security ties spanning Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East—has placed Beijing in a position to shape global norms and rules on aid, infrastructure, and logistics. Under the initiative, China has announced over $460 billion in lending to BRI projects. But BRI lending practices do not align with those of other international banks and donor countries. Some foreign leaders and civil society groups have criticized BRI practices for lacking transparency, failing to uphold environmental and safety standards, and leading recipient states to incur high levels of debt. But besides the BRI, China in 2015 also launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). AIIB is a multilateral financial institution that invests in infrastructure projects and other productive sectors across Eurasia. Unlike the BRI, the AIIB generally follows international lending standards and often cooperates with the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to fund projects. Johannes Eisele/AFP/Getty Images Paula Bronstein/Getty Images Over the last two decades, China has regained much of its influence in the world, as Beijing is making progress toward its dream of restoring what it sees as its rightful great power status. Beijing has built up its influence over global governance in particular, gaining a greater say within important organizations while also launching new initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative. China’s increased involvement in global governance expands its international political clout, helps it project soft power, and also promotes its domestic economic development. In the future, if its economy continues to grow over the long term, China will more forcefully set the terms for global governance. It will wield greater power within long-standing organizations like the World Bank and United Nations and also will strengthen new, China-dominated institutions. Beijing’s more assertive approach could enhance the international system. China could shoulder greater international responsibilities and prod global governance institutions to better represent the needs of emerging powers. It could facilitate international solutions on climate change in particular. And Beijing has shown, with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, that it can launch an institution that works within existing global governance norms. But China’s increasingly assertive presence could prove divisive, especially in areas like development finance, where Beijing’s approach could marginalize existing institutions. Such divisions could paralyze collaboration in critical realms of global governance. And while in some areas, such as climate change, China does not try to impose its own visions and models, in areas of human rights and internet governance, Beijing tries to promote its own, more authoritarian norms. In May 2020, Beijing passed new legislation giving China extensive powers to crush dissent in Hong Kong, seriously threatening the special administrative region’s autonomy. If China (and Russia) can set the standards for internet governance, for instance, they could pave the way for other countries to embrace cyber sovereignty, sparking a divided world with two internets—one generally open and the other closed and favored by autocracies. Which of the following best describes a conclusion about the relationship between steamships?Which of the following best describes a conclusion about the relationship between steamships and world trade in the late nineteenth century that is supported by the data in the table? Europe's dominance in the total number of steamships roughly correlates to its dominance in world trade.
Which of the following most likely explains why the Qing government employed the scholars?In the context of the period 1450-1750, which of the following most likely explains why the Qing government employed the scholars shown in the image? States sought to centralize their rule by including foreigners whose positions were dependent on the state to serve in the bureaucracy.
Which of the following aspects of the immediate historical situation in China in 1958 best explains?Which of the following aspects of the immediate historical situation in China in 1958 best explains the author's perspective in the passage? Chinese leaders had made it clear that meeting the goals of the Great Leap Forward was the highest priority facing the country.
Which of the following represents a significant change in Africa between 1450 CE and 1750 CE?Which of the following represents a significant change in Africa between 1450 C.E. and 1750 C.E.? Most enslaved Africans were transported across the Atlantic instead of the Sahara. Which of the following was a major change in global patterns of religious beliefs and practices in the period 1450-1750 C.E.?
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Which of the following conclusions about Chinas economy under the Ming Dynasty is best supported by Image 1?
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