How did the growth of cotton production in the Lower South and the old Southwest transform the national economy by 1860?

March 14, 2022 by NCC Staff

On this day in 1794, young inventor Eli Whitney had his U.S. patent for the cotton gin approved, an invention that would have a great impact on social and economic conditions that led to the Civil War.

How did the growth of cotton production in the Lower South and the old Southwest transform the national economy by 1860?

How much of an impact the mechanical gin (which is short for “engine”) had on the retention of slavery in the South is still being debated. To be sure, the value of cotton as a cash crop grew astronomically in the decades following Whitney’s patent went into effect. By some estimates, the United States supplied three-quarters of the global cotton supply by the start of the Civil War.

Link: See The Approved Patent

Much of that cotton made its way to Northern manufacturers to be made into clothing and other products. But slavery, in addition to the cotton gin, was a key component of the cotton business. Whitney got the idea for the gin while working as a tutor near the estate of Catherine Greene in Savannah. Greene, the widow of General Nathanael Greene also may have suggested some of the concepts behind the gin to Whitney, according to one nineteenth-century author.

The gin separated the sticky seeds from the fibers in short-staple cotton, which was easy to grow in the deep South but difficult to process. The gin improved the separation of the seeds and fibers but the cotton still needed to be picked by hand. The demand for cotton roughly doubled each decade following Whitney’s invention. So cotton became a very profitable crop that also demanded a growing slave-labor force to harvest it.

During the constitutional debates of 1787, an end to the importation of slaves by the year 1808 was one of the compromises agreed to in Philadelphia. Some Founders may have believed that slavery would fade away in the United States because of social reasons or the unprofitability of slave-produced crops before the gin was invented.

In 1807, Congress passed an act to make the slave-importation ban official. During the first cotton boom, the slave population in the South swelled to 4 million people, leaving slave owners with an ample population to maintain a workforce as the children of enslaved people continued to be born into slavery. By 1820, the nation was divided into Northern and Southern regions based on the legality of slavery in states and territories.

Whitney never really profited from the invention that had a direct role in maintaining slavery as an institution. Although the Constitution’s Article 1, Section 8, gave Congress the power to create patent laws, the rules were difficult to enforce due to loopholes, and other planters started to build their own cotton gins. His patent was finally validated in 1807 after Whitney tried to collect damages in lawsuits for years. (Whitney later invented a process for interchangeable manufacturing parts for guns, which was very profitable.)

One question that has been debated was the fate of slavery, independent of Whitney’s invention, and in particular, the idea that the cotton gin suddenly made slavery profitable. Alfred H. Conrad and John R. Meyer in their classic 1958 study about the issue argued that slavery depended on its economic survival for the spread of the institution to the Southwest in the 1860s.

Also, Reconstruction historian and law professor Paul Finkleman argued in the Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities that the common perception of slavery as a dying institution before the cotton gin’s invention is misguided. “Slaves were a profitable investment before the cotton gin and an even more profitable investment after its invention,” he wrote in 2013.

Regardless, the cotton gin was one of the significant inventions that changed American history in broad, generational ways.

Scott Bomboy is the Editor In Chief of the National Constitution Center.

journal article

Creating a Cotton South in Georgia and South Carolina, 1760-1815

The Journal of Southern History

Vol. 57, No. 2 (May, 1991)

, pp. 171-200 (30 pages)

Published By: Southern Historical Association

https://doi.org/10.2307/2210413

https://www.jstor.org/stable/2210413

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Journal Information

The Journal of Southern History, which is edited at and sponsored by Rice University, is a quarterly devoted to the history of the American South and is unrestricted as to chronological period, methodology, or southern historical topic. The Journal publishes refereed articles and solicited book reviews and book notes on all aspects of southern history. As the organ of the Southern Historical Association, which is headquartered in the Department of History at the University of Georgia, the Journal also publishes items pertaining to the business of the Association as well as news and notices of interest to historians of and in the South. The purpose of the Southern Historical Association is to encourage the study of history in the South with an emphasis on the history of the South.

Publisher Information

The Southern Historical Association was organized on November 2, 1934 and charged with promoting an "investigative rather than a memorial approach" to southern history. Its objectives are the promotion of interest and research in southern history, the collection and preservation of the South's historical records, and the encouragement of state and local historical societies in the South. As a secondary purpose the Association fosters the teaching and study of all areas of history in the South. The Association holds an annual meeting, usually in the first or second week of November, and publishes The Journal of Southern History.

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