Which term refers to the degree that a job affects other peoples lives or work?

Job crafting (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001)—a form of proactive behavior that is predicted by a proactive personality (Bakker, Tims, & Derks, 2012;

From: Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Action Regulation Across the Lifespan

Winfried Hacker, ... Christian Seubert, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Participative Job Design

All in all, considered from a macro-perspective, action regulation at paid work across the work lifespan amounts to a dichotomy:

Either employees proactively participate in job design or redesign and/or engage in job crafting in order to design the conditions of their mental development (with respect to their biological aging, among other things)—or they refrain from designing the conditions of their personal development, thereby possibly accepting human-made aging. As Goethe (1966) formulated, people are to decide whether they intend to be hammer or anvil. Rudolph and Baltes (2017) stressed the role of such activities for age and health. Participation in work design is integrated in both national legislation and international standards. For example, ISO 6385 calls for an “effective and efficient integration of employees into work design” (ISO, 2016, p. 10; translation by the authors). Convincing arguments for the positive effects of enriched work environments were offered, for instance, by Then et al. (2013, 2014b).

Paid work, thus, turns out to be a means for designing the conditions of employees’ personality (self) development. The disastrous effects of long-term unemployment on health and personality stresses the significance of this approach (Frese & Mohr, 1978; Jahoda, Lazarsfeld, & Zeisel, 1975).

Participation in work (re-) design or job crafting, i.e., engaging in proactive behaviors, should aim at ergonomically optimized procedures and especially at job enrichment to produce mentally demanding tasks with sustainable potential for learning by doing and with peers (Kooij, 2015). These aims are well within reach of the “design for all” approach, that is, to design tasks that are suitable for younger as well as older employees by offering degrees of freedom as to personal modes of functioning (e.g., use of SOC strategies). Extending this approach, work design models increasingly consider trends toward individualization (interindividual perspective; Schaufeli & Taris, 2014) and also for the changing needs of individuals across their lifespan (intraindividual perspective; Schlick, Frieling, & Wegge, 2013).

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Transitions in an uncertain labor market: implications for meaningful work

Blake A. Allan, Tracie Liu, in Navigating Life Transitions for Meaning, 2020

Conclusion

In the modern era, many people want meaningful work, but rapid transitions in the labor market make obtaining and maintaining it difficult. Theoretical perspectives, such as the PCO and job crafting, may help individuals, scholars, and practitioners understand how to promote meaningful work in the current context. Regardless, as technology and new economic systems develop, the future of meaningful work is increasingly uncertain. Automation and platform economies offer challenges and opportunities for meaningful work, whether they be through increased precarity, delegating clerical work to machines, or pursuing dreams of being self-employed in one’s passion. Either way, research and scholarship must continue to examine these issues to help people find meaningful work in an ever-transitioning world.

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Lifespan Perspectives on Successful Aging at Work

Deborah A. Olson, Kenneth S. Shultz, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Optimizing Person–Job Fit: Crafting to Strengths

Strategies to optimize person-job fit have been found to predict performance, engagement, and satisfaction at work (Hartner, Schmidt, & Hayes, 2002; Kristof-Brown, Zimmerman, & Johnson, 2005). The concept and practices related to job crafting have been utilized to optimize person-job fit since the late 1980s. Considering the continuous internal and external changes that impact organizations today, job crafting offers a more adaptive and timely response to rapidly changing conditions than the traditional process used by organizations to redesign jobs.

Berg, Dutton, and Wrzesniewski (2013) asserted that individual’s strengths, motives, and interests serve as a unique lens through which to develop strategies to adapt job tasks and processes to improve job performance. Job crafting can take multiple forms and thus contributes to successful aging at work through the actions individuals take to create and sustain a clear and evolving definition of their work, as well as who they are in relationship to their work. In addition, job crafting is an active process through which individuals take the initiative to sustain meaning and engagement in their work. This process impacts individual motivation, engagement, and well-being through fostering the development of strengths and skills that increase person-job fit. More specifically, job crafting specifically focuses on changing the perceived characteristics of the job that differentiates it from other proactive work behaviors, such as taking personal initiative (Demerouti & Bakker, 2014).

Wrzesniewski and Dutton (2001) identified three primary dimensions of job crafting behaviors: task, cognitive, and relational. With task crafting, individuals focus on changing the boundaries of their work and the approaches they use to complete tasks. This form of crafting allows individuals to adapt to changes in performance requirements in response to outside pressures (i.e., to increase performance related to new competitors in the market, implementation of technology that changes the approaches and processes used to complete tasks) and also develop new ways to improve task performance and increase efficiency by applying knowledge and experience in new ways. Changes associated with task crafting benefit the organization and team by increasing performance and efficiency related to achieving key goals set by the organization. Task crafting also benefits individuals by maintaining interesting and challenging work that provides opportunities for continuous learning and developing new approaches to complete tasks.

Cognitive crafting is the process of reframing how one views one’s role. Individuals may reframe the tasks they need to complete by focusing on the overall purpose of their work and view their work as an integrated whole. For example, teachers may focus on the purpose of facilitating the development of students to expand their critical thinking skills in ways that allow them to more successfully navigate the plethora of information that bombards them daily rather than focusing on the (sometimes excruciating) details associated with writing lesson plans, grading assignments, and managing disruptive classroom behaviors. As a result, cognitive crafting changes the boundaries of how individuals see their jobs (e.g., I am influencing students’ lives by fostering and nurturing the development of their critical thinking and leadership skills).

Relational crafting emphasizes the importance of who individuals work with as they complete tasks. Individuals seek out others whom they prefer to work with as they complete tasks and assignments. This includes individuals with whom they enjoy working who may: (1) possess complementary skills that assist them in completing work in a high-quality manner, (2) provide unique perspectives to help them develop creative approaches and innovations, as well as (3) fulfill social needs through working with and developing collaborative relationships and meaningful attachments at work (Rath, 2007).

In a recent field study, Kooij, van Woerkom, Wilkenloh, Dorenbosch, and Denissen (2017) implemented an intervention to identify the impact of crafting jobs focused specifically on crafting tasks to utilize individuals’ strengths and interests. Results from their intervention demonstrated that job crafting initiated by the individuals who were specifically linked to their strengths positively impacted older worker performance and effectiveness, but did not impact the performance of younger workers. This is an important contribution to our understanding the impact of job crafting on successful aging at work. Specifically, as employees age, they develop more self-confidence, self-awareness, and dominance at work, which positively contributes to their ability to craft their roles at work and align their actions with their strengths in ways that optimizes performance (Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006). Therefore, one important factor in aging successfully at work is related to self-awareness and building an environment that facilitates the ability to use ones’ strengths in meaningful ways.

In an effort to synthesize the literature on job crafting, Rudolph, Katz, Lavigne, and Zacher (2017) recently completed a meta-analysis of the research conducted to date on job crafting related to proactive behaviors that facilitate and optimize person–job fit. They used the four dimensions of job crafting proposed by Tims, Bakker, and Derks (2012). The dimensions were: (1) seeking out increasingly more challenging work and volunteering to work outside one’s current role; (2) reducing and eliminating job tasks that negatively impact physical, cognitive, or emotional well-being through minimizing work/life imbalances and excessive workload; (3) expanding autonomy and task variety to facilitate structural resources that positively impact motivation; and (4) expanding social resources that increase support from colleagues and seeking out feedback and advice from others at work. Results showed that overall job crafting, as a composite of all four dimensions defined in Tims et al, was related to agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, and openness to experience (Big Five dimensions), proactive personality, and general self-efficacy.

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Lifespan Perspectives on Work Motivation

Dorien T.A.M. Kooij, Ruth Kanfer, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Theoretical and Practical Implications and Future Research Directions

Our review of the work motivation literature suggests substantial progress in terms of understanding how lifespan factors may affect an individual’s motivation at work and to continue working. Findings to date emphasize the importance of adopting a person-centered perspective for understanding motivation related to work and for developing interventions and management practices to promote job performance and work engagement. Theorizing by (Baltes & Baltes, 1990), Heckhausen et al. (2010), and (Carstensen, 1995) highlight changes in motivated-behavior and decision-making related to work driven by fundamental human motives for sustaining a sense of personal agency and positive self-concept in light of age-related shifts in competencies and externalities. These theories point to the importance of choosing work contexts and developing action strategies that support a sense of self-efficacy and satisfaction of broad self-related accomplishment, relational, and generative motives rather than instrumental motives. Empirical findings provide support for these notions with respect to the positive effects of organizational practices that support these motives through greater support for training (Armstrong-Stassen & Ursel, 2009), job crafting (Kooij et al., 2017), work flexibility (Bal & De Lange, 2015; Rau & Adams, 2005), and mentoring (Armstrong-Stassen & Schlosser, 2011).

Beyond considering how aging influences work motivation, our integration of lifespan and motivation perspectives offers new directions for research on lifespan development. We identified two key motivational mechanisms for work motivation: (1) an individual’s goals, and (2) an individual’s self-efficacy for being able to accomplish the desired goals. Although theories of lifespan development accord goals a central role in aging, less attention is paid to understanding the role of self-efficacy. For example, the motivational theory of lifespan development proposes that older individuals will use secondary control strategies, because their primary control capacities decrease in older age. Self-efficacy is likely to play a role here and might influence primary control capacity. Finally, our integrated perspective contributes to the organizational psychology literature on work motivation by demonstrating that key determinants of work motivation change with age and associated processes such as losses in health and changes in time perspective. In particular, the change in future time perspective has been largely neglected in the literature on work motivation and incorporating (perceived) time is likely to improve predictions of work motivation theories.

Our integrated perspective also highlights a number of abiding questions. As shown in Table 20.1, relatively little is known about the motivational dynamics that underlie the decision to continue working in later life. Further research in this area is likely to be particularly important for public policymakers concerned with predicting how different factors, such as occupation, work history, and life events, may influence the decision to continue to participate in work activities beyond the normative retirement period. In addition, we know little about the effects of selection, optimization, and compensation strategy choice or job crafting behaviors that prevent workplace withdrawal and positively influence retirement decision making. Finally, we know little about the underlying mechanisms that influence motivation at work and motivation to work of older adults. For example, there is little empirical evidence on whether and how self-efficacy changes with age and on age-related processes that cause these potential age-related changes in self-efficacy.

Table 20.1. Examples of Promising Future Research Directions in Lifespan Approaches to Work Motivation

Research Recommendations
1.

Motivation at work and motivation to retire. How does the experience of motivation at work contribute to the retirement decision-making process? How does selection, optimization, and compensation strategy choice influence workplace withdrawal? How does subjective age influence motivational processes at work?

2.

Self-efficacy. How do age-related changes in future time perspective affect work self-efficacy? How does work self-efficacy affect choice of motivational strategy for work accomplishment? What effects do different features of the work role (e.g., autonomy, task significance) have on work self-efficacy?

3.

Goal pursuit. Are there differences in self-regulatory efficiency associated with the use of primary vs secondary motivational strategies to accomplish work goals? How does future time perspective influence motivational orientation toward work goals and persistence during goal pursuit?

4.

Work identity and relatedness motive satisfaction. How does work interdependence, team composition, team cohesion, and leadership practices affect older worker relatedness motive satisfaction, work self-efficacy, and motivational strategies used to accomplish work-related goals?

5.

Goal discounting. What is the relationship between age-related changes in emotion regulation and goal discounting?

Two additional research gaps pertain to the current work context in which employees need to allocate their resources among several work and nonwork roles. Future research in this area might usefully build on lifespan theorizing that emphasizes the role of perceived time in motivation. For example, the motivational theory of lifespan development proposes that a developmental deadline will influence the behavioral strategies that individuals use to reach their goals. Likewise, Steel and König (2006) propose that sensitivity to delay will influence the goals to which individuals allocate their resources. In addition, future research on work motivation should focus more on the role of work identity, because this is likely to influence goal pursuit.

In summary, our coordination of lifespan and motivation theories suggests several important new directions for research to better understand how and why work motivation may change across the lifespan. Our analysis suggests that age-related changes in work motivation are not uniformly or inevitably negative. Rather, we propose that changes in work motivation reflect how older workers adapt to the twin dynamics of adult development and job demands in order to sustain pursuit of enduring motives related to control, competence, and relatedness. Organizational interventions and practices that support these individuals in accomplishing such goals in the work context are needed to realize fully the promise of longer working lives and successful aging at work.

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Personality dynamics in the workplace: An overview of emerging literatures and future research needs

Robert P. Tett, David M. Fisher, in The Handbook of Personality Dynamics and Processes, 2021

Long-term reciprocal linkages between personality and situations

As per our introduction to personality, it is widely understood that personality interacts with situations to yield characteristic thoughts, feelings, and behavior. The link between personality and situations, however, goes beyond the immediate timeframe. Here, we briefly consider connections between personality and situations that unfold over relatively long intervals, first regarding how personality affects situations and then the reverse.

Schneider's (1987) idea that “the people make the place” was discussed earlier. A major impetus for this work was that situational effects routinely cited as causes of work behavior can themselves be traced to personality influences (e.g., organizational culture reflecting the personality of top leadership). Similarly, Roberts et al. (2003) found that personality traits (e.g., negative emotionality) measured at age 18 were significantly predictive of work experience characteristics (e.g., financial security) measured at age 26. On a shorter time scale, Wille and De Fruyt (2014) cite dynamic processes “whereby environments change in reaction to people's personal characteristics” (p. 263), such as occurs through job crafting and the choice of new work settings. Other examples can be found in further works by Wille and colleagues (Wille, Beyers, & De Fruyt, 2012; Wille et al., 2014).

Reversing the direction of influence, researchers have also underscored the importance of situations as sources of personality change (Roberts et al., 2003; Roberts et al., 2006; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008; Wille et al., 2012; Woods et al., 2013). Caspi et al. (2005) discuss the role of social influence dynamics, “wherein environmental experiences affect personality functioning” (p. 470). Similarly, Wille and De Fruyt (2014) discuss reactivity as “people acting on themselves (e.g., by changing interests, values, etc.) in reaction to work environments” (p. 263). Building on Schneider's (1987) ASA framework, Roberts (2006) introduced the Attraction-Selection-Transformation-Manipulation-Attrition (ASTMA) model, according to which people “change themselves in response to occupational experiences” (Wille et al., 2012, p. 310). In support of these perspectives, Wille and De Fruyt (2014) found that work characteristics (e.g., enterprising occupational context) measured 1 year after graduation predicted personality changes (e.g., in agreeableness, openness) over a 15-year time span. Evidence also showed that personality traits changed with corresponding changes in occupational characteristics. Similar examples are reported by Wille et al. (2012, 2014).

An extension of this idea is captured by the “correspondence principle,” according to which traits propelling involvement in a particular occupational context are those most likely to develop and deepen as a result of experiences in that context (Caspi et al., 2005; Roberts et al., 2003; Wille et al., 2012; Wille & De Fruyt, 2014). Empirical support is mixed. Roberts et al. (2003) offered support, whereas Wille et al. (2012) did not (cf. Wille & De Fruyt, 2014). A possible explanation for the null findings may derive in part from a ceiling effect: those choosing a work situation due to high standing on relevant traits (e.g., as per ASA or ASTMA) have little room for change. Individuals high on extraversion, for example, may be especially likely to seek and acquire sales-related work; yet it is introverts entering sales jobs (e.g., motivated by pay) who have more room for increases in extraversion.

In summary, personality dynamics include changes in both personality means and rank-order standing, as well as reciprocal influences between persons and situations that occur over both long- and short-term time periods. Findings from the workplace literature on personality development suggest the view of personality traits as stable attributes is “no longer entirely valid” (Wille et al., 2014, p. 510), positioning personality traits not only as independent variables but also as dependent variables in the dynamical study of work behavior (Wille & De Fruyt, 2014; Woods et al., 2013).

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Lifespan Perspectives on Job and Work Design

David M. Cadiz, ... Donald M. Truxillo, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Task Characteristics

Task characteristics are motivational characteristics associated with ways people complete their work range of tasks related with a particular job (Morgeson & Humphrey, 2006) and include autonomy, task variety, task identity, and feedback from the job.

Autonomy. The work-design questionnaire identifies three types of autonomy: work scheduling, decision making, and work methods autonomy. From a lifespan perspective, we would expect age-related gains in crystallized intelligence to result in older workers being more effective in utilizing autonomy at work compared to younger workers who may have fewer accumulated skills and less experience (Truxillo et al., 2012a). In addition, action regulation across the lifespan theory would argue that older workers should benefit from greater levels of autonomy because it allows them to use action regulation strategies to optimize their performance (Zacher et al., 2016). One way that autonomy could manifest is through proactive behaviors around job crafting (Grant & Parker, 2009), allowing a worker best to align current resources with work demands. Relatedly, from a selection, optimization, and compensation perspective, increasing job autonomy would allow a worker freely to utilize the three adaptive strategies (i.e., selection, optimization, compensation) to be more effective in their job (Truxillo et al., 2012a). In fact, research supports a positive relationship between autonomy and selection, optimization, and compensation strategy use (Müller, Weigl, Heiden, Glaser, & Angerer, 2012; Weigl, Müller, Hornung, Zacher, & Angerer, 2013; Weigl, Müller, Hornung, Leidenberger, & Heiden, 2014), and selection, optimization, and compensation strategies training has been found to have a positive effect on mental well-being when job control is low (Müller, Heiden, Herbig, Poppe, & Angerer, 2016).

However, the interplay between age and autonomy is probably complex, dependent on both the individual and his or her job. Arguing from a socioemotional selectivity theory perspective, Ng and Feldman (2015) argued that two competing hypotheses exist. On one hand, older workers may react more positively to job autonomy because of the positivity they experience more strongly, and high autonomy jobs are more likely to be experienced positively. On the other hand, younger workers could react more positively because a high-autonomy job would allow for more opportunities to acquire knowledge and skills. The researchers tested the competing hypotheses in a meta-analysis and found partial support for both. They found that older workers had a stronger relationship between job autonomy and job performance but a weaker relationship between job autonomy and job satisfaction and affective commitment. However, Zaniboni et al. (2016) found that older construction workers had greater job satisfaction when given greater decision authority compared to younger construction workers. Thus, these varying results hint at a multitude of different moderators that may explain the complicated effects observed with autonomy and age (Ng & Feldman, 2015; Zaniboni et al., 2016) with one of the most important likely being job type (Bouville, Dello Russo, & Truxillo, 2018).

Task variety. Task variety refers to the range of tasks demanded by the job (Morgeson & Humphrey, 2006). From a socioemotional selectivity theory perspective, task variety would provide greater opportunity for skill and knowledge development, which would benefit younger workers, given that they probably have a more expansive future time perspective and are thereby more focused on knowledge acquisition (Truxillo et al., 2012a). Accordingly, from an action regulation across the lifespan perspective, task variety may be detrimental to older workers if the range of tasks requires complex and novel planning and execution processes (i.e., high levels of cognitive mechanics). This logic is also supported by Kanfer and Ackerman’s (2004) framework, since greater task variety may demand greater fluid intelligence. Zaniboni et al. (2013, 2014) research provides support for a stronger positive relationship between task variety and job satisfaction and engagement and reduced burnout and turnover intentions for younger workers compared to older workers.

Task significance. Task significance refers to the degree to which a person’s job influences others’ lives (Morgeson & Humphrey, 2006), either within or outside the organization. It builds meaningfulness into one’s work (Grant, 2008; Hackman & Oldham, 1975). The concept of task significance aligns with the concept of generativity motives (i.e., drive to help others or give back to society), which begins to increase in mid-career (Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004). In fact, Kooij et al. (2011) provide meta-analytic evidence supporting a positive relationship between age and helping people or contributing to society.

Task identity. Task identity refers to the degree that a job allows a person to complete an entire piece of work resulting in the job becoming more interesting and meaningful (Hackman and Oldham, 1975; Morgeson and Humphrey, 2006). This characteristic seems to share conceptual similarities to the concept of complete tasks and actions (Hacker, 2003) in action regulation theory. In fact, action regulation across the lifespan (Zacher et al., 2016) would argue that older workers may be more interested in complete tasks based on age-related increases in conscientiousness (Roberts et al., 2006), intrinsic motivation (Kooij et al., 2011), and work-related experiential knowledge, which should allow them to be more effective in engaging in complete tasks. Therefore, older workers may benefit more from increased task identify than their younger counterparts.

Feedback from the job. Feedback from the job is the extent to which the job itself provides information about one’s performance (Hackman and Oldham, 1975; Morgeson & Humphrey, 2006). Obtaining feedback is essential for all workers because it allows for learning and development and can also trigger adaptive responses based on the feedback (e.g., goal adjustment, resource allocation shifts). From a socioemotional selectivity theory perspective, younger workers may be more apt to seek and attend to feedback on the job because they have an increased drive for knowledge acquisition and development (Carstensen et al., 1999). Moreover, older workers may process the feedback at a slower rate, which could impact and lengthen the response to the feedback (Zacher et al., 2016). However, accumulated job-related knowledge could offset declines in cognitive processing and help older workers develop heuristics to make them more effective in adjusting to feedback. From a selection, optimization, and compensation perspective, feedback from the job may provide information to an older worker about whether they would need to implement selection, optimization, and compensation adaptive behaviors in order to better align their current resources with job demands.

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Lifespan Perspectives on Occupational Health

Antje Schmitt, Dana Unger, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Role of Work Characteristics

Apart from personal factors, work characteristics may determine inter-individual differences in occupational health across the working lifespan (see Fig. 15.1). Work characteristics (e.g., level of autonomy, social support at work, interdependence) refer to the way work is designed. Work design is more generally described as “content and organization of one’s work tasks, activities, relationships, and responsibilities” (Parker, 2014, p. 662). Work design is, in turn, embedded in organizational design, organizational policies, structures, and procedures (Farr & Ringseis, 2002). Just as age develops over time and may affect how work characteristics are perceived and valued by the individual, work characteristics may also change across time (Zacher et al., 2014). A change in work characteristics can be implemented by the organization and by the worker himself/herself (e.g., through job crafting, Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Accordingly, a change in work characteristics may have differential effects on workers’ well-being for different age groups (Truxillo et al., 2015; Zacher, 2015). For instance, when work characteristics in terms of worker demands and requirements are changed by the organization, this might be more of a challenge for older than for younger workers (Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004; Scheibe, Stamov-Roßnagel, & Zacher, 2015). From the perspective of person-environment fit and following a lifespan developmental approach, it is especially important for maintaining occupational health that there is a fit between work characteristics and worker needs, goals, and abilities across all age groups. Organizations need to be able to generate job conditions that maintain or promote occupational health for younger as well as older workers (Truxillo et al., 2012; Zacher & Schmitt, 2016; see Chapter 8 in this volume).

Hackman and Oldham’s (1976) job characteristics model is one of the most prominent frameworks to classify work characteristics. The authors introduced five core characteristics that determine various motivational and health-related work outcomes, such as motivation, turnover, and job satisfaction. These are autonomy, feedback from the job, task identity, task significance, and skill variety. Morgeson and Humphrey (2006) added further aspects to this model. Their approach included a wider range of task characteristics (e.g., different facets of job autonomy), knowledge (e.g., skill variety, job complexity), social (e.g., feedback from others), and contextual characteristics (e.g., physical demands) of a job that have been shown to be related to indicators of occupational health outcomes (Humphrey, Nahrgang, & Morgeson, 2007; Morgeson & Humphrey, 2006).

Adopting a lifespan perspectives on job design, Truxillo et al. (2012) suggested that younger and older workers have different preferences with regard to job characteristics. Some job features may be more attractive to younger than to older workers and vice versa. So far, however, only a small number of studies has examined age-differential associations between work characteristics and well-being outcomes (Zaniboni, Truxillo, Fraccaroli, McCune, & Bertolino, 2014; for an exception, see Hertel et al., 2013; Zacher & Frese, 2011). Hence, there is a general lack of knowledge on how to design jobs for workers at different stages in working life so that they can be successful in maintaining health and well-being (see Chapter 11 in this volume).

Also, existing studies on the interplay between age and work characteristics on occupational health reveal complex and mixed results (for a review see Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004; Zacher & Schmitt, 2016). The results are depending on the specific type of work characteristic as well as the specific operationalization of well-being (Ng & Feldman, 2015). Most research has focused on task characteristics. For instance, the negative relationship between autonomy and emotional exhaustion was found to be stronger for older workers. However, the relationships between job autonomy and job stress on one hand and mental health on the other hand were more negative among younger workers. Similarly, the positive effects of job autonomy on satisfaction, work engagement, and affective organizational commitment were stronger for younger workers (Ng & Feldman, 2015). Older workers’ well-being seems to benefit more than the well-being of younger workers from time to complete tasks, job autonomy, and scheduling flexibility when there are deadlines at work or high problem-solving demands. These work characteristics buffer the stressor-strain relationships (Besen, Matz-Costa, James, & Pitt-Catsouphes, 2015). In another study, Zacher, Dirkers, Korek, and Hughes (2017) demonstrate that younger workers, as opposed to older workers, feel more attracted to jobs that are characterized by task characteristics such as feedback from the job, task variety, and task significance. Based on socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1995) and evidence on motivational changes across age, younger workers benefit more from positive and negative feedback from the job and high task variety than older workers, specifically because they are eager to learn and gain experiences in working on different projects and tasks (Charles & Carstensen, 2010; Zaniboni et al., 2014). Of note, the finding for task significance was unexpected. According to lifespan theoretical approaches (e.g., Charles & Carstensen, 2010; Erikson, 1982; Truxillo, et al., 2012), older workers should especially strive for meaningful tasks as they have less time left over to create meaning in life. The authors argue that their unexpected finding suggests that younger workers are more concerned than older workers with the consequences of their work for others.

There is little research on the role of social work characteristics and their influence on individual differences in occupational health across the working lifespan. Truxillo et al. (2012) argue that based on socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1995), older workers may benefit more than younger ones from providing social support to others because this would fulfill their generative strivings (Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004). The positive relationship between receiving social support and occupation health should not differ among age groups. Furthermore, research has shown that younger workers’ job satisfaction and work engagement benefit more than older workers’ from jobs that require them to establish networks and interactions outside of the organization (Scroggins, 2008; Zacher, et al., 2017). As suggested by lifespan developmental theories, older workers seem more strongly to establish existing relationships within their organization.

For work context factors, physical job characteristics such as (temperature, noise, and safety risks), are related to occupational well-being outcomes across age groups. Some evidence suggests that as physical capabilities (e.g., muscular strength) that enable employees to manage physical demands decrease over time, older employees in professions with high physical job characteristics are more likely than their younger colleagues to suffer from an increased health-related risk. However, empirical evidence is ambiguous (Heiden, Weigl, Angerer, & Müller, 2013). Furthermore, research has investigated differences between blue- and white-collar workers. Blue-collar jobs typically cover higher physical demands whereas white-collar workers are non-manual professionals, whose work is knowledge-intensive. White-collar workers tend to report higher psychological job demands whereas blue-collar workers tend to report higher physical job demands (e.g., Wright, Bengtsson, & Frankenberg, 1994). As compared to older white-collar workers, older blue-collar workers were found to report a higher prevalence of emotional problems, musculoskeletal complaints, and hearing deficiencies (Arndt et al., 1996). Job type is also related to, and may be confounded with, individuals’ socioeconomic status, which reveals significant effects on individuals’ health (Aldwin et al., 2006; Crimmins et al., 2009).

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Lifespan Perspectives on Personnel Selection and Recruitment

Dennis Doverspike, ... Josh VanderLeest, in Work Across the Lifespan, 2019

Overview of Relevant Lifespan Theories

We first conducted a fairly comprehensive review in order to identify studies that took a lifespan perspective to recruitment and selection. We found very little, apart from a few studies examining age, which are discussed in the next section. In response to the paucity of research, we identified major lifespan theories (for more detailed discussions of lifespan theories, see chapters 2–9chapter 2chapter 3chapter 4chapter 5chapter 6chapter 7chapter 8chapter 9 of the current volume) and asked the question as to which of the theories were most relevant to recruitment and selection. Our results are humbly presented below and summarized in Table 14.1; note, we readily admit that our summaries and conclusions regarding implications are most definitely shaped by an I-O psychology perspective.

Table 14.1. Areas of Integration for Lifespan Theories with Selection and Recruitment

TheoryDescriptionAreas for Integration
Selective Optimization and Compensation Model

Utilizing three strategies in combination in decision-making

Selection: Deciding on goals

Optimization: Refining resources to achieve goals

Compensation: Using alternate strategies

Allow applicants to utilize each of these strategies during assessments.

Especially consider whether compensation can be used (and for which KSAs) with older adults.

Dual Process Model of Assimilative and Accommodative Coping

Balancing gains and losses throughout the lifespan

Assimilation: Adjusting the situation to fit preferences

Accommodation: Adjusting preferences to fit the situation

Consider how the two coping strategies are utilized across the lifespan, which may impact applicant reactions to recruitment material and selection tools.

Social Exchange Theory

Building relationships as goods are exchanged, creating a mutual sense of obligation from both parties, in line with organizational rules and norms.

Consider changes in motivation for maintaining positive social exchange throughout the lifespan.

Paint a clear picture of benefits from the organization and expectations of the employee.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Changes in how one views time affects goal choice

Younger adults: Time is open ended; pursue knowledge goals

Older adults: Time is more limited; pursue emotion goals

Consider how recruitment material may have different appeal depending on lifespan.

Emphasize attributes of the job that touch on both types of goals.

Maximum and Typical Performance

Performance expectations within a certain domain can either be maximal performance (what an individual ‘can do’) or typical (what an individual ‘will do’)

Specify which type of performance is part of the job performance domain.

Ensure predictors and criteria match.

Consider the impact of negative applicant reactions if there is a mismatch.

Lifespan Theory of Control

Two control strategies are used to achieve goals

Primary: Changing environment to meet needs

Secondary: Changing self to fit the situation

Emphasize aspects of a job that allow for primary control: autonomy, job crafting.

Consider how control strategies impact self-image and self-efficacy throughout the process.

Action-Phase Model of Developmental Regulation

Process model of goal choice and goal striving through primary and secondary control strategies

Consider what barriers applicants may perceive throughout the process as a function of their life stage.

Promote use of compensatory strategies: training, job clubs.

Life Course Theory

Need to consider macro-level influences in describing the aging experience

Consider applicant reactions in creating recruitment material by avoiding references to historical situations specific to a certain group.

Lifespan Theory of Control

The lifespan theory of control arises out of the notion that people innately desire control over their environment and personal outcomes, and can go about this in various ways (Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schulz, 2010). Primary control is an active attempt to change the environment to fit the needs and desires of the individual. Secondary control is a cognitive attempt to fit in with the situation, targeting the internal environment instead. Secondary control can be used to maintain motivation and effort in primary control, as well as helping the individual cope with age-related declines or losses. The availability of and use of these control strategies may change throughout the lifespan. The use of primary control is thought to be stable until very old age, while secondary control increases as a function of age, indicating an increased reliance on secondary control to maintain primary control. Therefore, individuals must learn adaptive cognitive strategies throughout the lifespan as they start to rely more on secondary control in pursuit of work-related goals.

In terms of recruitment, the varying use of primary and secondary controls may work to determine the types of jobs people may be more or less interested in pursuing and how much effort they may put into pursuing jobs. Primary control is the preferred method, so aspects of a job that indicate autonomy and job crafting will be particularly desirable. In addition, the relative emphasis on the different control strategies would appear to impact the candidate self-image and self-efficacy as they go through the recruitment and application process. Secondary control strategies would also be closely tied to reactions to recruitment and selection efforts, and thus both the candidate experience and the candidate’s perception of the organization’s image, as well as the perception of person-organization fit by the individual.

Action-Phase Model of Developmental Regulation

The action-phase model of developmental regulation builds upon the lifespan theory of control better to explain cycles of goal choice and goal striving (Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Heckhausen, 2007). This model outlines how individuals make the decision to adopt a goal, engage in the goal using primary and secondary control, and how they react to success or failure. Throughout the lifespan, there may be different opportunities for pursuing specific developmental goals (i.e., having children, retirement), which create ideal phases for goal engagement. Goal choice would have the most promise when there is congruence between goal engagement and opportunities for success; congruence is associated not only with goal attainment, but also well-being.

Although this theory has been applied to vocational choice, it does not appear to have been applied to recruitment or selection. Career changes or job seeking efforts may be seen as less attainable for older adults, which could cause them to disengage and self-select out of recruitment pools. Therefore, compensatory strategies can be useful in overcoming this perceived barrier. This could take the form of job-search interventions, such as job clubs geared toward older adults, which have been shown to improve job-search behavior (Adams & Rau, 2004). One study examining dynamic outcomes during a job club for older job seekers showed improvements in attitudes toward their job search and increased self-regulatory skill in motivation control (Nakai, Hill, Snell, & Ferrell, 2017). These findings highlight the utility of interventions for promoting engagement in job search goals for older adults.

Dual-Process Model of Assimilative and Accommodative Coping

The dual-process model of assimilative and accommodative coping has to do with the balance of gains and losses throughout the lifespan, and how this relates to self-regulatory activities (achieving consistency between a desired state and one’s present state; Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990). Individuals use two related coping strategies in working toward achieving their desired states: assimilation refers to adjusting the situation to fit personal preferences, while accommodation refers to adjusting personal preferences to fit situational constraints. Assimilation is the default strategy, while accommodation is used more when attempts at assimilation are ineffective, or when an individual doesn’t believe they would be able to change the situation.

As it relates to the lifespan, older individuals are more likely to face situations that they are unable to influence, as uncontrollable events tend to accumulate in later stages of life. Despite this, older adults manage to maintain a consistent sense of control by gradually shifting from the assimilative to accommodative mode of coping (Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990). Knowledge of how these two forms of coping are utilized throughout the lifespan would provide a useful lens for the development of recruitment materials and selection tools. If applicants develop a sense of tension in reaction to recruitment materials, their response may be to change the situation or remove themselves from the recruitment pool. Thus, materials should be carefully designed to create positive reactions and carry across the message of the organization’s norms and values.

Selective Optimization and Compensation Model

The selective optimization and compensation model defines selection, optimization, and compensation as three strategies used in decision making (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Dickson, 2001). Selection is the decision of which goals to undertake. Optimization is the allocation or refinement of resources to achieve goals. Compensation is involved when individuals are faced with losses in a domain, and use alternate resources to maintain the same level of functioning. With limited resources to allocate, the three strategies are used in combination to maximize desirable outcomes and minimize undesirable outcomes (Baltes & Dickson, 2001).

Those developing selection tools would need to carefully study the major tasks and responsibilities of the job and recognize that there may be multiple ways of achieving the same performance level. A certain ability may be specified in a job description as required, although workers who have declined in that ability still maintain high performance by using a compensatory strategy. These alternate strategies can be built into selection tools, allowing for multiple ways of accomplishing job tasks. Further, considering that applicants are also utilizing selection tools to gather information about the norms and values of the organization, allowing flexibility in assessments will give a realistic job preview and can engender positive reactions contributing to perceptions of fit.

Social Exchange Theory

Social exchange theory posits that relationships form through a mutual sense of responsibility from both parties, based on a cost-benefit analysis, rules, and norms (Blau, 1964; Emerson, 1976). In an organizational setting, employees have a certain quality of social exchange with coworkers, supervisors, and the organization, which can motivate them to act favorably toward each of those targets (Lavelle, Rupp, & Brockner, 2007). As goods like pay, services, or even advice are exchanged, relationships are created, modified, and strengthened. There may be age-related changes in terms of what resources employees see as beneficial, and what they can provide to others. Generally, it is believed that social exchange quality will decline with age because older individuals will perceive more costs with engaging in these relationships (Baltes, Rudolph, & Bal, 2012).

Applying this theory to recruitment, recruiters should be realistic about the costs and expectations of the employee, so that the applicant can assess whether they can contribute. Ensuring fit is especially important for an older adult who may have more limited resources to contribute to maintaining positive social exchanges.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Socioemotional selectivity theory, proposed by Carstensen and colleagues, refers to changes that happen across the lifespan as a function of how time is viewed (Carstensen, 1992; Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999). The theory states that younger individuals perceive time as more open-ended, and thus prioritize and pursue knowledge-related goals. In contrast, older individuals perceive time as more limited, and instead prioritize emotion-related goals.

In the case of employee recruitment and selection, practitioners can consider how applicant reactions may differ across the lifespan. This issue is particularly relevant to how employers go about recruitment, because the organizational image presented can either attract or deter job seekers from joining the applicant pool. Recruiting materials emphasizing either knowledge- or emotion-related aspects of the work may have different appeal across the lifespan. Recruiters should strive to strike a balance and emphasize aspects of both the job and the company that meet both knowledge goals, such as development opportunities, and emotion- related goals, such as flexible work schedules. Of course, it is also important that the job itself is designed in such a way that both types of goals can be pursued, otherwise positive fit perceptions formed during recruitment will change once on the job.

Life Course Theory

Life course theory stems from the notion that one needs to account for various factors, including sociological influences, to fully understand the experience of older adults (Bengston, Elder, & Putney, 2005). While it is important to understand the individual, a broader perspective can add additional value, including the cohort of which they were a part, the culture they experienced, and historical situations that may have influenced their lives. For example, there may be cohort differences related to conceptualizations of the value of work, which can be helpful in job design (Baltes et al., 2012).

In the context of employee recruitment, life course theory can shed light on more macro- level considerations. Recruitment professionals should consider how culture and significant historical events affect reactions to recruitment material, as material that is specific to one cohort may deter other qualified individuals from entering the selection pool.

Maximum and Typical Performance

The issue of maximum and typical performance is relevant to the validity of selection tools across the lifespan as this as an overlooked issue in the selection literature (Van Iddekinge & Ployhart, 2008). Tests are developed to capture a specific performance domain, but whether the underlying domain reflects maximum performance, typical performance, or a combination of the two, is typically not specified (Sackett, Zedeck, & Fogli, 1988). If there is a mismatch between the selection tool and the performance domain, this will affect the validity of tests.

When considering selection across the lifespan, this distinction becomes especially important. Many jobs only require typical performance, but testing situations are designed to capture maximal performance. If jobs require typical performance while the selection tools measure maximal performance, older applicants would be at a disadvantage, and may be passed over for a job that they are fully able to perform at the typical performance level. Having applicants complete a maximal performance assessment when it is not required can also lead to negative reactions and a poor candidate experience.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780128127568000141

Pursuing eternal youth

Ghada Baz, Barbara A. Fritzsche, in Organizational Dynamics, 2021

Work redesign and ergonomic interventions

Organizations can enhance the utilization of their workforce through adapting to their employees’ changing abilities over their lifespan. Job crafting is the optimization of work to match abilities and interests of the employee. Using job crafting to support older workers is rooted in the selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC) theory which stipulates that these three action regulation processes are linked to employee engagement and ultimately enhance the employee’s well-being and lead to successful aging.

Briefly explained, SOC discusses selecting the domains on which to focus resources, optimizing potential gain, and compensating for losses. An older worker may need a larger computer monitor to compensate for vision losses, for example. Organizations that accommodate such needs make workers feel valued, and workers who engage in SOC behaviors are more likely to remain productive as they age.

Jobs may be redesigned to include more tasks that rely on prior knowledge and experience and less on learning new skills. Researchers suggest placing older workers in consulting or mentoring roles to capitalize on their experience and promote knowledge transfer within the organization. With this careful selection of tasks, both the organization and the employee are more likely to achieve positive outcomes, given the opportunity to compensate for possible declines in abilities and capitalization of interests and strengths.

Similarly, organizations can allow their employees to remain productive by assessing the physical work environment, providing tools, and using technology for better accessibility as sensory abilities and physical strength decline.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0090261620300498

Work and the good life: How work contributes to meaning in life

Sarah J. Ward, Laura A. King, in Research in Organizational Behavior, 2017

Job crafting

When considering the roles of supervisors and organizational environments, it may seem that employees have little personal control over whether they can achieve autonomy, competence, and relatedness in the workplace. However, workers do have the potential to exercise control over their experiences at work in ways that provide meaning. “Job crafting” involves the process through which employees can define and structure their tasks and environment at work in ways they find meaningful (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). By taking more control over the design and nature of their job, people can derive more meaning from their work. Job crafting allows employees to harness meaning at work through three primary avenues: (1) exercising greater control over tasks, (2) determining the way tasks are perceived, and, finally, (3) deciding which social contexts and relationships to encounter at work (Berg, Dutton, & Wrzesniewski, 2013).

Regardless of the objective importance of one’s work, people have the ability to interpret their work in a manner that emphasizes its broader value and purpose. Berg et al. (2013) highlighted that one way to encourage meaning at work is by expanding how one views the importance of their work, focusing on the holistic value of the job rather than on discrete tasks. This can allow a worker to realize the larger purpose of their work, fostering more appreciation for the value of one’s role and, correspondingly, higher meaning. For instance, a person who works as a cook in a fast food restaurant may envision the broader significance of their work role, considering how they provide nourishment to several busy people, as opposed to thinking of the specific food-preparatory steps they perform at work. Another form of job crafting involves exerting more control over social relationships at work. For example, an employee may find a way to mentor coworkers while performing a task at work, thus promoting feelings of generativity and fostering relatedness. These examples of job crafting illustrate how employees can exercise greater autonomy in their roles at work in ways that align with their personal values and preferences in order to promote higher meaning at work and in their lives more broadly.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191308517300047

Which term refers to the degree that a job affects other people's lives or work?

Task significance is the degree to which a job affects the lives or work of other people.

What is the degree to which the job allows an individual to make decisions about the way the work will be carried out?

Autonomy. The degree to which the job allows an individual to make decisions about the way the work will be carried out.

What is the degree to which a job requires a variety of different activities?

The degree to which a job requires a variety of different activities is termed task significance.

Is the amount of impact a job is believed to have on others?

The correct answer is b) task significance.