Which term refers to the belief that members of separate races possess different and unequal traits quizlet?

racism. the belief that members of separate races possess different and unequal traits.

Índice

  • Which term refers to a pseudoscience of genetic lines and the inheritable traits they pass on from generation to generation?
  • What term refers to thoughts and feelings usually negative about an ethnic or racial group?
  • Which term refers to the mass killing of a particular population?
  • What is the meaning of democide?
  • Which word in Germany was used as a code for mass killing?
  • When did Germany withdraw from the League of Nations?
  • What was the name of the Organisation joined by the students in Germany between 10 to 14 years of age?
  • What is German parliament known as?
  • What does the term jungvolk mean?
  • What do you mean by enabling act?
  • Who constituted Germany in the Axis powers?
  • Why did Nazism became popular in Germany?
  • What were the main features of Nazism?
  • What was Nazism Class 9?
  • What was the most important factor in Hitler's rise to power?
  • What were Hitler's policy aims?
  • Why did Italy join Axis powers?

Which term refers to a pseudoscience of genetic lines and the inheritable traits they pass on from generation to generation?

Eugenics literally meaning "well born," the science of genetic lines and the inheritable traits they pass on from generation to generation, maintained, were really just like different levels of suntans.

What term refers to thoughts and feelings usually negative about an ethnic or racial group?

Racism: prejudiced thoughts and discriminatory actions based on difference in race/ethnicity, usually by white/European descent groups against people of color.

Which term refers to the mass killing of a particular population?

Genocide – under the Genocide Convention, the crime of genocide generally applies to mass murder of ethnic rather than political or social groups.

What is the meaning of democide?

Democide: The murder of any person or people by a government, including genocide, politicide, and mass murder.

Which word in Germany was used as a code for mass killing?

The term “Final Solution of the Jewish Question” was a euphemism View This Term in the Glossary used by Nazi Germany's leaders. It referred to the mass murder of Europe's Jews.

When did Germany withdraw from the League of Nations?

A referendum on withdrawing from the League of Nations was held in Germany on 12 November 1933 alongside Reichstag elections. The measure was approved by 95.

What was the name of the Organisation joined by the students in Germany between 10 to 14 years of age?

By 1936, all “Aryan” children in Germany over the age of six were required to join a Nazi youth group. At ten, boys were initiated into the Jungvolk (Young People), and at 14 they were promoted to the Hitler Youth.

What is German parliament known as?

The Bundestag (German pronunciation: [ˈbʊndəstaːk], "Federal Diet") is the German federal parliament.

What does the term jungvolk mean?

Membership was voluntary until 1936, when all boys and girls in Nazi Germany were required by law to join a Nazi youth group. All boys over 10 years old joined the Jungvolk (meaning “Young People”), and then graduated to the Hitler Youth when they turned 14.

What do you mean by enabling act?

The Enabling Act allowed the Reich government to issue laws without the consent of Germany's parliament, laying the foundation for the complete Nazification of German society. Its full name was the “Law to Remedy the Distress of the People and the Reich.” ...

Who constituted Germany in the Axis powers?

On Septem, the Axis powers are formed as Germany, Italy and Japan become allies with the signing of the Tripartite Pact in Berlin.

The popularity of the Nazis therefore stemmed from an accurate reading of the public mood; the adoption of a program that combined a rather dissonant assortment of nationalist, socialist, and anti-Semitic slogans; and the fact that, in Adolf Hitler, the party had a charismatic leader.

What were the main features of Nazism?

Nazism is a form of fascism, with disdain for liberal democracy and the parliamentary system. It incorporates fervent antisemitism, anti-communism, scientific racism, and the use of eugenics into its creed.

What was Nazism Class 9?

The Nazi argument was simple: the strongest race would survive and the weak ones would perish. The Aryan race was the finest. It had to retain its purity, become stronger and dominate the world. The other aspect of Hitler's ideology related to the geopolitical concept of Lebensraum, or living space.

What was the most important factor in Hitler's rise to power?

One of the factors that helped the Nazis rise to power was propaganda. The Nazis used propaganda throughout the late 1920's and early 1930's to boost Hitler's image, and, as a result of this and other aspects, he became extremely popular.

What were Hitler's policy aims?

Adolf Hitler came to power with the goal of establishing a new racial order in Europe dominated by the German “master race.” This goal drove Nazi foreign policy, which aimed to: throw off the restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles; incorporate territories with ethnic German populations into the Reich; acquire ...

Why did Italy join Axis powers?

Italy joined the war as one of the Axis Powers in 1940, as the French Third Republic surrendered, with a plan to concentrate Italian forces on a major offensive against the British Empire in Africa and the Middle East, known as the "parallel war", while expecting the collapse of British forces in the European theatre.

Studies of race and health frequently invoke racism, prejudice, and discrimination as possible reasons for high levels of morbidity and mortality among black (Jackson et al., 1996; Krieger, 1999; Williams and Neighbors, 2001) and among other racial and ethnic minorities (e.g., Amaro et al., 1987; Salgado de Snyder, 1987). Definitions of these terms vary, and no definitions are universally accepted (Clark, 2004). For our purposes, we use these terms somewhat interchangeably as indicating negative attitudes toward or biased treatment of one group by another (Williams et al., 2003).

Various types of racism have been described (Jones, 1997): personal, which may be considered the same as prejudice (Allport, 1958); institutional, involving a set of environmental conditions, such as housing market conditions, that favors one group over another; and cultural, referring to shared beliefs about the superiority of one group over another. Racism also often involves control by one group over resources that another group wants or needs (Jones, 1997).

Discrimination refers to unequal treatment based on group membership. What actual perceptions, attitudes, or behaviors these constructs refer to depends on the context—the nature and timing of events, their frequency, severity, and duration, whether they are acute or chronic—and on how they are perceived and interpreted, whether intent is attributed, and how they may later be distorted in memory (Williams et al., 2003).

Prejudice, discrimination, and racism could affect health in several ways. First, discrimination could determine a group's living conditions and life chances, affecting such areas as education, employment, and housing. As we note above, low socioeconomic status is one of the most important predictors of adverse changes in health status (Anderson and Armstead, 1995; Williams, 1990; Williams and Collins, 1995), though the specific mechanisms by which low status compromises health have yet to be adequately elucidated (Anderson and Armstead, 1995; Clark et al., 1999). Similarly, all the mechanisms by which discrimination limits economic and social opportunities still need to be fully accounted for (Williams and Collins, 2001), but that it has historically had an effect on minority socioeconomic status is unquestioned.

Second, discrimination could lead to differences in access to and quality of health care (Blendon et al., 1989; Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs, 1990; Institute of Medicine, 2002), a possibility we examine in Chapter 10. Third, the experience of specific incidents of unfair treatment on the basis of race or ethnicity may generate psychic distress and other changes in physiological processes that adversely affect health (Clark, 2004; Clark et al., 1999; Landrine and Klonoff, 1996; McNeilly et al., 1996). Fourth, some of the coping strategies that people use as they grapple with inequitable living conditions and a hostile psychosocial environment, such as internalizing negative stereotypes (White et al., 2000) or using drugs and alcohol (Jackson and Ramon, 2002), may also impair physical and psychological functioning (Clark, 2004).

We focus in the rest of this chapter on the third effect, with some reference to the fourth.

Early literature on black health, especially mental health, reflects a clear consensus that racism and discrimination have adverse effects (e.g., McCarthy and Yancey, 1971). That some degree of discrimination continues is clear: for example, audit studies continue to document discrimination in housing and employment (Fix and Struyk, 1993). However, there have been comparatively few attempts to explore empirically the health effects of such discrimination among blacks, whether on children, adolescents, or adults (Jackson et al., 1996; Landrine and Klonoff, 1996; Thompson, 1996; Utsey and Ponterotto, 1996). There have been even fewer empirical studies of any kind on other racial and ethnic groups (Williams et al., 2003). Researchers have continued to note that discrimination is an important factor in understanding black health status, and some suggest that it may account for particular patterns of association (Landrine and Klonoff, 1996). Fernando (1984) even proposed that racial discrimination does not just add to stress; it is an actual pathogen. Nevertheless, these constructs and arguments have received limited empirical attention (Harrell et al., 1998; Krieger, 1999), especially as they relate to the life course and aging.

The evidence that the experience of discrimination affects health outcomes is therefore spotty. The majority of reports that have looked at this issue do document an association between the experience of unequal treatment and a variety of health outcomes, including psychological distress, blood pressure, and mental health functioning (Harrell et al., 2003). But prospective studies of the long-term effects of chronic discrimination have not been conducted.

A recent review (Williams et al., 2003) identifies 53 separate community-based epidemiological studies of the association of experiences and perceptions of discrimination with health outcomes. Most of the U.S. studies have involved blacks, but there are some studies of other minorities, and studies have been conducted with immigrant groups in such other countries as Canada, England, and the Netherlands. The majority of the studies find that the self-reported experience of discrimination has an unfavorable effect, producing psychological distress, reduced psychological well-being, lowered self-esteem, impaired mental health, and even definable psychiatric disorders.

These correlational studies have also commonly examined self-reported overall health. More than 70 percent of the studies report poorer health among those who report discrimination. The studies have shown somewhat more variable relationships of discrimination to more specific health indicators. Blood pressure, an important health status measure, has sometimes been positively associated with discrimination, but sometimes has had no association or even a negative association. Cigarette smoking and alcohol use have also been linked to discrimination. Some studies attempt to show that perceptions of discrimination, net of socioeconomic factors, account for racially related health differences.

Systematic investigation of the role of discrimination in health over the life course is rare (Williams and Neighbors, 2001). One longitudinal panel study did find that reports of discrimination that were related to poorer health in the first year were still linked, 13 years later, to poorer mental health, though by that time they were related, somewhat surprisingly, to better self-reported physical health (Jackson et al., 1996). Another study that used reports of the experience of chronic discrimination found that these were related to subclinical carotid artery disease for black but not white premenopausal women (Troxel et al., 2003).

Harrell et al. (2003) recently reviewed 13 experimental studies of discrimination and health. Some studies focused on using analogs to racially charged stimuli in the laboratory and examining physiological reactions. For the most part, these studies show that such stimuli increase physiological arousal. What is unclear is how this response differs from arousal due to other stressors, such as those that would provoke anger.

A second set of studies tested the significance of past sensitization to racist stressors, with individuals who previously experienced discrimination assigned to various experimental conditions. Harrell et al. (2003) report, for instance, that individuals who embrace basic American values tend to be more reactive to racist material than other people.

Finally, a series of studies investigated whether physiological response is moderated by cultural affinities or personality factors, such as “John Henryism,” a dispositional orientation that leads individuals to work hard in the face of impossible barriers (James et al., 1984). These studies have shown mixed results. Harrell et al. (2003) argue that they show the need for more and better studies of basic physiological processes, particularly on cholinergic pathways that link anxiety and stress to cardiovascular reactions. To explain these linkages, the authors propose new models of allostasis and allodynamism that define physiological set points and the mechanisms that govern them. The argument is that both external stressors, such as the experience of discrimination, and internal processes alter these physiological set points, which has health implications. Harrell et al. (2003) suggest that studies in this area might use pharmacological blocks and brain imaging.

These correlational and experimental studies suggest that the subjective experience of bias and unequal treatment could affect particular health outcomes. However, the evidence is uneven and inconclusive, as almost every individual study has substantial inadequacies. Across the variety of studies, the definition and measurement of the factors of prejudice, racism, discrimination, and resulting unequal treatment are still relatively crude. Another problem is uncertain delineation of physiological pathways that serve as conduits for the effects of such factors on health. In addition, the conduits undoubtedly are affected by a host of contextual factors, such as socioeconomic status, individual host resistance factors, and coping styles and responses, as well as varying by age and possibly period and cohort.

Research into the effects of prejudice and discrimination on health differences requires some systematization. Such constructs as prejudice, discrimination, and racism have shifting definitions across studies and are often poorly operationalized. The confusion from continual redefinition makes it difficult for studies to build on one another. Measurement is also a problem, particularly the determination of discrimination from self-reports, which is the usual practice in nonexperimental studies. Response biases are possible in such data and may not be independent of response biases in self-reported health status (Williams et al., 2003). Biases could even affect longitudinal studies, when prior experiences are reinterpreted in the light of subsequent events, though some closed-cohort longitudinal studies suggest this is not a critical issue (Jackson et al., 1996).

Methodological problems go beyond measurement, however, and require better study design (Krieger, 1999; Williams et al., 2003). Longitudinal studies are clearly superior to correlational studies (and avoid the methodological and ethical issues involved in discriminatory treatment of experimental subjects), but they also have limitations, which they generally share with other studies of the effects of stress. Selection processes, memory distortions, and period events with broad effects on cohorts can all complicate the design and interpretation of results. Dealing with all such issues in an efficient design would be the goal, but it is not easy to achieve.

Research Need 10: Determine the lifetime effects of prejudice and discrimination on health using longitudinal data and a framework that centers on stress and its effects.

Stressful events and experiences have been reliably linked to heath outcomes, as we discuss in the next chapter. However, what roots stress may have in prejudice and discrimination (Myers and Hwang, 2004; Pearlin, 1989) require better delineation. There is a need to distinguish among traumatic events and between macro- and microstressors (Williams et al., 2003), and the relationships may be complicated. Discriminatory experiences may combine with other life stressors that affect health. But stress resulting from discrimination may be less easy to deal with through normal coping responses than stress from other sources, and different groups may have generally different ways of dealing with stress. For instance, active and passive coping responses work as well for blacks in response to normal life stressors (low income, negative life events, deaths of relatives and friends, etc.) as for other groups, but blacks are reported to have relatively few effective coping responses to poor treatment due to racial prejudice (Jackson et al., 2003).

The effects of discrimination on the experience of stress and health outcomes may involve lags and host resistance factors and may change over the life course, influenced by personality and other life experiences, such as resource acquisition, exposure, and support processes. Effects related to aging have to be seen in the context of period and cohort variation. Experiences of discrimination may be tied to particular periods or significant historical events (such as the 1960s civil rights movement). And birth cohorts each have their own history, possibly reacting to events differently because of the stage in the life course at which the events are experienced. A framework that combines aging, period, and cohort factors is therefore needed to understand how early experiences may lead to a cascade of subsequent health-relevant events and how experiences may have different effects over the life course. Such a framework is also needed to put scientific observations in context, since these observations necessarily pertain to particular periods and may be of limited relevance to individuals late in the life course. Models for the complex biopsychosocial processes involved in stress reactions to the experience of discrimination also require development (Clark et al., 1999; Harrell et al., 2003; Williams et al., 2003), as we discuss further in the next chapter.

Research Need 11: Evaluate the effects of prejudice and discrimination on the health of minorities other than blacks.

Other racial and ethnic groups, such as American Indians and Alaska Natives, have been subject to prejudice over long periods. Immigrants have also been discriminated against, though as they assimilate and new immigrants enter, the targets shift. Arab Americans and Muslims are the latest to feel targeted. Yet indicators for the health of older adults in these groups are more favorable than indicators for blacks—and indicators actually deteriorate for immigrants as they assimilate and prejudice presumably declines. Does prejudice have effects on health in these groups, but are the effects counterbalanced by other factors, such as immigrant selectivity or better socioeconomic status? Or is prejudice against these groups weaker or less pervasive, of a different quality, or for some reason less consequential for health than among blacks? The answers could have implications not only for these racial and ethnic groups, but also for understanding the mechanisms that link prejudice and health for any group.

Which term refers to the belief that members of various races possess different and unequal traits quizlet?

Racism. the belief that members of separate races possess different and unequal traits.

What term refers to a group of people who are presumed to share a set of physical characteristics and a bloodline?

What term refers to a group of people who are presumed to share a set of physical characteristics and a bloodline? RACE.

What is the concept of race quizlet?

Race. -a socially defined category (social construct) -based on real or perceived biological differences between groups of people.

Which group believed that different races were distinct?

Which group believed that different races were distinct species? Nativists believed that restricting the immigration of certain groups would: protect the nation.